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"Vercingetorix Throws Down His Arms At
the Feet of Caesar" L. Royer, 1888.
By kind permission of Forum Romanum.
"For himself he wanted a high command,
an army, and a war in some field where his gifts could shine in
all their brightness." Sallust,
Conspiracy of Cataline, LIV.
"[Caesar] proceeded by forced marches
to the territory of the Nervii, and there learnt from prisoners
what was happening in [Quintus] Cicero's camp, and how critical
the position was. He then induced one of his Gallic horsemen . .
. to convey a letter to Cicero, which he wrote in Greek characters,
for fear it might be intercepted and his plans known to the enemy.
If he was unable to get into the camp, the man was to tie the letter
to the thong of a javelin and throw it in over the rampart. The
letter informed Cicero that Caesar was on the way with some legions
and would be there shortly, and told him to keep up a bold front."
Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico.
For almost a sixth of his life - from 58 to
49 BC- Julius Caesar lived absent from Rome, conquering one of the
largest stretches of hostile territory ever brought into its Empire.
The series of brilliant offensive campaigns he waged against the
tribes of Gaul, Belgium and Germany rivaled and likely exceeded the skill of any Roman general before or afterwards. Caesar also had the incalculable advantage of writing reports on his 8-year-long campaigns that have become one of the greatest literary masterpieces of the western world, so we not only know infinitely more about his acctions of than the majority of Roman commanders, but his literary skill is such as to render his reports riveting as literature. As always, Caesar knew how to promote himself. He was the first commander in Roman history
to build a bridge across the Rhine and carry war into the enemy's
country. His venture to the island of Britannia,
half-mythical to the Roman world (to which it was largely unknown),
riveted the attention of political Europe. The booty ravaged from the Celts was incalculable: not only did it make Caesar one of Rome's richest men, but his regular donations of booty to his soldiers created a fanatic loyalty between commander and army that had dire implications for the future of Rome. He brought, for better
or worse, the Celtic tribes of "Long-haired Gaul" firmly into the
Roman Empire: with minor rebellions, Gaul would become and remain one of the bastions of Roman culture in the West. It is arguable that, without the Gallic Wars, Roman history would have been very different.
THE GALLIC TRIBES, 58-50 BC
Caesar's campaigns have filled countless books,
but some summarization is possible. The Gaul Caesar conquered included
France (except southern France, which was already a Roman province,
Gallia Narbonensis), southern
Holland, Belgium, Germany west of the Rhine, and most of Switzerland.
Familiar with elements of Greek and Roman culture for centuries,
Caesar met a barbarian people with stable cultural similarities,
their own coinage and vibrant art, walled towns and established
urban centers, settled agriculture and a stable religious ethos.
Political development varied in degree. Rome had influenced the
Province (modern Provence), which had been linked to Rome for over
a century, but her impact farther north was confined primarily to
trade in wine and certain luxuries.
The Celtic tribes in general - and especially
the great tribes of the Averni, the
Aedui, and the Helvetii-
had already abandoned hereditary kingship for annually elected magistrates,
answerable to councils and public codes of law. The Northern Celts
still retained their kings. The Germanic tribes beyond the Rhine
positively rejected what they saw as enervating luxuries offered
by Roman traders. It had been only two generations since the vast
Germanic incursions of the Cimbrii
and Teutones led to their defeat
on a Gallic battlefield by Gaius
Marius. Resentment against Rome had festered.
In spite of these many "civilized" aspects,
to Caesar and the Romans of his time the Gauls remained barbarians,
and became more uncouth the farther away from Rome they lived. There
are frequent references to the Gallic character scattered throughout
Caesar's famous commentaries on the Gallic Wars. He considered them
impulsive, emotional, easily swayed; they were fickle, loved change,
were credulous and prone to panic. He felt they lacked the intellectual discipline that made the Legions so formidable. Although it is obvious from his
writings that Caesar viewed them with respect as worthy military
adversaries, he coldly judged their struggle for freedom from Rome's
sway as no more than unstable anger whipped up by agitators with
ulterior personal motives. It apparently never occurred to Caesar
that there were rational arguments against annexation by
Rome, or that the benefits of association with Rome were not self-evident. There seems little doubt his initial moves against the Helvetii
were calculated for his own political advantage, and that he carried
his conquests far beyond the brief initially given him by the Senate
of Rome. Again and again, as with his expeditions to Britain and
the Rhine in the eight years of his command, Caesar justifies extensions
of his field of operations against the many tribes by representing
them as punitive expeditions, or by alleging the need to overawe
the dubiously loyal, volatile Gauls.
Yet the contests against the Gauls not only
taxed Caesar's military brilliance to its utmost, but also provide
one of history's great panoramas of military skill and bravery.
The great tribal names - the Bellovaci,
Atrebates, Nervii, Eburones, Remi, Suessiones - have lived
in history for two millennia, largely thanks to Caesar's magnificent
reports from the front. Yet, while fighting the Gauls on the one
hand with a celerity and ruthlessness that kept Gaul peacefully
within the Empire for the next 400 years, he was ever mindful of
his strengthening political foes in Rome itself. While he was besieging
hill forts and selling whole conquered tribes into slavery, his
political support in Rome began to unravel. The Senate might vote
him a series of unprecedented public thanksgivings for his conquests
but Pompey was edging ever closer to the Optimates and away from
Caesar's interests, while Cicero's party became inflexible in its
hostility.
For a detailed history of the campaigns comprising Caeasar's Gallic campaigns,
see Battles: The Gallic Wars. It is also critical, however, to understand Caesar's campaigns in the context of the ongoing political difficulties confronting him in Rome.
WAR ON TWO FRONTS
Initially, Caesar's campaigns of 58-55 appeared
largely successful. Caesar was not sent north by the Senate to make war against
Gaul (a point his enemies never ceased to emphasize) but to govern
the settled part of the territory. He found the excuse for conquest
in the movement of the Helvetii,
a tribe threatening the territory of Rome's allies, and insisted
they were a threat to the Province as a whole. He carefully distinguished,
in his justifications for Roman consumption, between condemnation
of the aggressive tribes and of their treasonable, misguided leaders,
including Ariovistus. In 57 (having vanquished the Helvetii and forcing them to return to their own lands) Caesar tackled the Belgae.
By 56, an unbroken string of victories lead Caesar to claim that Gaul, including northern Gaul, was now largely pacified (to put it mildly, an optimistic
forecast). Instead, it would require additional years to put out
the brush fires of the sporadic Gallic revolts, as well as to prepare
expeditions to the mysterious island of Britain.
By 55, Caesar's five-year term as proconsul was drawing to a close. He had
not fully pacified Gaul and he knew it. In 56, to ensure additional
time to complete conquest of the territory, he had summoned Pompey to Lucca in northern Italy (just barely within the borders of
Caesar's province) where he, Caesar, and Crassus hammered out an
extension of their power-sharing" triumvirate," securing Caesar
an additional extension of his command for another five years. Historians still argue the precise duration of this second term, but it was probably until
December 30, 49 BC. Pompey and Crassus were to become consuls again in 55 BC and then take profitable governorships
as well. However, death was to break the political plans made in Lucca.
In 54, Caesar's daughter Julia, married to Gnaeus Pompey,
died in childbirth (the child also died). Thus at a stroke, the dynastic connection with Pompey was broken. In 53, Crassus
perished miserably in Parthia following his disastrous defeat at
Carrhae, seeking the kind of military glory both Pompey and Caesar had won. Now Pompey, perhaps jealous of Caesar's increasing military
fame, was growing balky in protecting Caesar's interests. He began to drift
closer to the Optimate party, Caesar's obdurate enemies since his
consulship in 59. Towards the end of 52, Pompey (after being sole
consul for most of that year) was granted the governorship of Spain
for an additional five years; since Lucca, against all constitutional
practice, he had exercised governorship by deputy since he desired to stay in Rome. Caesar asked to stand for election to the consulate
for 49 notwithstanding his absence from the capital; although his request was not that unusual, in this case the Senate, controlled
by the anti-Caesarian party, refused.
A stark dilemma confronted Caesar. On the
day he lost his imperium
and command of his legions in Gaul, he would become vulnerable
to any charges of illegality or corruption his enemies might wish
to levy for deeds dating from his Consulship and covering all
actions during his conquests. With his political enemies in control,
the very best he could expect was confiscation of all property,
public disgrace, and permanent banishment from Rome. It was essential
to his political survival that he step directly from command into
the consulship, in which he would again be protected from prosecution.
But Pompey and the Senate refused to effectively grant Caesar
the right to stand for the consulship
in absentia.
It is one of history's tragedies that the impasse developed in spite of determined efforts on many parts to avoid it. Many former candidates had been permitted to stand for the consulship in absentia; many provincial governors slipped from one office to another to avoid prosecution; Pompey himself had bent or broken many rules of the mos maoirum in his lengthy career. For decades, many conservatives had viewed Pompey's ambitions, not Caesar's, as the most serious threat to the Republic. Yet a literal handful of adamant conservatives in the Senate were able to drive these titans apart and Rome to war in the process.
In the meantime, the situation in Gaul unexpectedly exploded.
Sources: Barbarians Fleeing Victorious
Romans. and Soldiers Crossing Pontoon Bridge; Details from Trajan's
column.
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