This was the noblest Roman of them all:
All the conspirators save only he
Did that they did in envy of great Caesar;
He only, in a general honest thought
And common good to all, made one of them.
His life was gentle, and the elements
So mix'd in him that Nature might stand up
And say to all the world 'This was a man!'
Shakespeare, Julius Caesar
I shall be sorry to have incurred his
displeasure but far sorrier to find that he is not the man I took
him for...He is apt in his letters to me to take a brusque, arrogant,
ungracious tone even when asking a favor." Cicero
to Atticus [upon hearing Brutus was involved in loan-sharking in
his province], Letters, 115 (VI, 1).
Shakespeare's Julius Caesar has so influenced the Western
mind in its conception of the relative characters of Caesar and
his chief assassin, Brutus, that it is almost impossible to disentangle
the biographical truth about either man from Shakespeare's soaring
language. For dramatic purposes, Shakespeare's Caesar is portrayed
as arrogantly ruthless, pompous, and eminently unlovable; his Brutus
is, in complete contrast, sensitive, thoughtful, nobly torn between
love for Caesar and duty to his country. Surely, the truth was not
so dramatically satisfying or simple.
For more than two thousand years the world has
looked for the real Brutus within the great inconsistency of his
life; that the patriot, philosopher, and lover of civil order brutally
murdered his friend and patron, Caesar, in the name of the Republic,
then took his own life when the forces of Octavian overwhelmed him.
Descriptions of Brutus range from a the highest nobility in his
own time to the oafish, cowardly opportunist recently portrayed
in Colleen McCullough's Masters of Rome series. The Roman
historians whose works have survived, however, generally agree that
the noble patriot was real enough, although many disapproved of
the brutal violence of his deed. As Plutarch writes,
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" Brutus...took pains
to moderate his natural instincts by means of the
culture and mental discipline which philosophy gives,
while he also exerted himself to stir up the more
placid and passive side of his character and force
it into action, with the result that his temperament
was almost ideally balanced to pursue a life of virtue.
So we find that even those men who hated him most
for his conspiracy against Julius Caesar were prepared
to give the credit for any redeeming element in the
murder to Brutus, while they blamed all that was unscrupulous
about it upon Cassius who . . . was neither so simple
in character nor so disinterested in his motives."
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Plutarch,
Life |
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A more inarguable political criticism of Brutus
is that, to him and the other conspirators, the murder of Caesar
was apparently the be-all and end-all of their efforts. None appear
to have given mature thought to the long-term effects of his death
and the dangers of the power vacuum their actions would cause. The
kindest word that comes to mind on this point is "naive." As even
Cicero noted, the lack of planning
following the assassination was disastrous: it effectively destroyed
any potential to restore the Republic, as Caesar had foreseen, and
led directly to a two-part civil war of, first, Antony
and Octavius against the assassins, then the two men against
each other. Finally, Octavius stood in sole control of the Roman
world. It is arguable that no blow more surely destroyed the Roman
Republic than Brutus' dagger striking at Caesar, surely one of history's
haunting ironies. Further ironies and mysteries surround Brutus,
however. He was the son of Caesar's longtime mistress, Servilia,
and was, in fact, later rumored to be Caesar's natural son. On his
father's side, he was allegedly a descendant of the Junius Brutus
who helped destroy the last Tarquin kings, another reverberating
legend driving his assassination of Caesar. Finally, Brutus was
particularly close to his mother's half-brother, Cato
the Younger (Caesar's most adamant political foe); he would later
marry Cato's daughter, Porcia. There are even confused indications
in some sources (of dubious authenticity) that Brutus was adopted
into the Caepio family and, thus, is the young Caepio originally
affianced to Julia, Caesar's daughter before Caesar broke off her
engagement and married his daughter to Pompey.
If so, yet another ironic layer is added to Brutus' motivation in
killing Caesar.
Plutarch tells us that Brutus was strongly drawn
to and familiar with Greek philosophy, especially that of the followers
of Plato, and that he was well-trained as an orator, favoring the
Laconic style of brief, pointed comment. As a young man, Brutus
accompanied his uncle to Cypress; Plutarch describes his dislike
of handling a task Cato asked of him,"...because
he considered on principle that a task which demanded such minute
attention to business was a mean occupation and distinctly unworthy
of a young man such as himself, who was devoted to the things of
the mind." Apparently, Brutus was able to overcome his scruples
and behave with the ruthless efficiency admired in Romans in leadership
positions abroad. His character was described as earnest and reflective,
and he was known for acting upon any issue only after thoughtful
reflection and a deliberate moral choice, which made him highly
respected by his contemporaries.
However, there were apparently less attractive
traits to this marble man. Historians cite an evergreen tale, derived
from Cicero, that Brutus was so parsimonious that he insisted on
a 48% return of interest on loans he issued to the town of Salamis
in Cypress; this was all the more shocking because senators like
Brutus were debarred from money lending. Brutus' people later resorted
to force to collect the debt and deaths occurred. Cicero, discovering
Brutus' acts when he became governor of Cilicia, was frankly appalled
and wrote to Atticus at wearisome length; he also remonstrated with
Brutus at his ruthless pillaging of the Salamian populace. Relations
between them began to cool.
THE CIVIL WAR
When the Civil
War broke out between Pompey and Caesar in January, 49 BC, it
was expected by many that Brutus would join Caesar's side, if for
no other reason that he had every reason to hate Pompey. Pompey
had murdered Brutus' own father under spectacularly unpleasant circumstances;
in 77, Brutus' father had supported Marius
and Pompey, fighting for Sulla,
had treacherously executed him after accepting his surrender. Prior
to the Civil War, Brutus had refused even to speak to Pompey. Plutarch
writes, "But Brutus believed that he ought
to put the public good before his private loyalties and as he was
convinced that Pompey had the better reasons for going to war, he
attached himself to his party." Brutus sailed to Cilicia
as legate to the governor of the province and later traveled to
join Pompey's army in Macedonia; in the weeks up to the great Battle
of Pharsalus in August, 48 BC (in which Pompey's army was destroyed),
Brutus is said to have occupied his time in camp by reading philosophy
and in writing out a summary of Polybius.
It is extremely difficult to pierce the historical
veil to determine the true relationship between Brutus and Caesar.
Caesar is said to have commented, on hearing Brutus make a political
speech, that "I do not know what this young
man wants, but everything that he wants, he wants very badly." It
is clear from several sources Caesar was extremely worried about
Brutus' safety during and after the great battle: he issued orders
to his commanders that Brutus must on no account be killed in the
fighting and that they must spare his life. Plutarch claims this
was due to Caesar's affection for Brutus' mother, Servilia, because
(as Suetonius writes) "...in Caesar's youth
he had an affair with Servilia, who was madly in love with him,
and as Brutus had been born at about the time when her passion was
at its height, he had always cherished a suspicion that Brutus was
his own son." Servilia's passion was Caesar was "notorious."
This is surely incorrect; Caesar was only a teenager at Brutus'
birth, as well as married elsewhere.
Brutus escaped the debacle of Pompey's defeat
and, traveling to Larissa, wrote Caesar, who invited Brutus to join
his inner circle and pardoned him on the spot. Plutarch gives Brutus
credit for pointing Caesar toward capturing Pompey in Egypt, although
Pompey was murdered before Caesar could catch up to him. Brutus
busied himself in obtaining Caesar's pardon for his friends and
allies. When Caesar set out for the African campaign against the
remaining Pompeians, he chose Brutus as governor of Cisalpine Gaul,
where he prevented plundering in the province and continually told
the citizens that they owed the peace to Caesar alone. Caesar was
delighted to see peace in northern Italy and treated Brutus as a
close personal friend and ally upon his return. When Brutus and
his brother-in-law, Cassius, were both in contention for the praetorship
in Rome, Caesar chose Brutus, thus incurring Cassius' resentment.
Brutus became so close to Caesar while dictator that he could have
been the most influential adviser Caesar had; yet, his friends and
associates continually harped upon the fact that he must not allow
himself to be charmed or won over by Caesar and must refuse all
his favors, "...since these were designed
not to reward his virtue, but to emasculate his proud spirit and
weaken his strength of purpose."
THE IDES OF MARCH AND AFTER, 44-42 BC
Whatever arguments the jealous Cassius used
to persuade Brutus to join the conspiracy against Caesar, his position
was unenviable. Known to be Caesar's friend, distinguished by his
affection, and certainly having known Caesar (through his mother)
almost all his life, Brutus apparently found it stressful to agree
to his murder. In the anxious weeks between commitment and completion,
he began to suffer in private, to the point that his wife Porcia,
Cato's daughter, knew something was wrong. Eventually, by showing
her own courage and ability to keep a secret, she persuaded him
to tell her his plans to kill Caesar. By all accounts, once determined,
he could not be dissuaded; during the anxious wait for Caesar at
Pompey's portico, word was brought to Brutus that Porcia had collapsed
under the strain and was perhaps dead. Still, he did not leave his
vigil. The conspirators were paranoid that their large conspiracy
(eventually over 40 men) had been discovered: Brutus is alleged
to have calmly stated he would commit suicide if the plot failed.
While several sources agree Brutus struck one of the last, significant
blows against Caesar - the blow which occasioned Caesar's dying
words of "You, too, my son?" - none attempt to explain
his own emotions at that ultimate moment.
His thoughts can, however, be guessed at once
it became clear that Antony had won the hearts and minds of the
crowd and that, although honored by the Senate, he and Cassius were
in great danger from the Roman people: he had lost the battle for
the hearts and minds of the Roman mob. In any event, it became obvious
that a strategic retreat from Rome to the East was required, plus
the gathering of legions to face the inevitable armies of Antony
and Octavian. Brutus moved pragmatically to Greece and began ruthlessly
raising an army (and the money to pay it). He also studied philosophy
in Athens.
THE BATTLE OF PHILIPPI, 42 BC
It was on the way to meet Antony and Octavian
in Greece that a supernatural touch is added by Plutarch. Brutus
began having visions of a presence which predicted dire results
ahead. When the inevitable battle finally occurred near the town
of Philippi, Cassius killed himself at a desperate moment of retreat,
believing the battle lost. Brutus rallied the army and hostilities
broke off for the night. As the two armies rested, Brutus remonstrated
with his officers who had disobeyed his orders, noting that, if
they were fought well in the coming battle, he would "...hand
over two cities, Thessalonica and Lacedaemon, for them to plunder."
Although Roman armies were regularly paid by being given whole cities
to sack and plunder, Plutarch called this the one act of Brutus'
life for which no defense can be made. Still, he extenuates it,
claiming that Brutus was forced to it by his subordinates and by
the needs of his confused and disheartened army - soldiers were
deserting to Antony's side throughout the battle.
More dire portents occurred that night, and
Brutus allegedly saw his "evil spirit" again. The next day, the
two armies clashed again. Defeat came to Brutus late in the day.
When he saw his forces routed and fleeing in confusion, Brutus fled
to an unoccupied portion of the battlefield. There, late that night,
he committed suicide, rather than living to be a trophy in Antony's
inevitable Roman triumph. When urged to save himself, he was supposed
to have replied "Yes, we must escape, but
this time with our hands, not our feet." He was also said
to have rejoiced at the end that, in his life, none of his friends
had ever betrayed him.
Suetonius' comment on the assassins was curt
and to the point:
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" Hardly any of his assassins
survived him [Caesar] for more than three years, or
died a natural death. They were all condemned, and
they perished in various ways---some by shipwreck,
some in battle; some took their own lives with the
self-same dagger with which they had impiously slain
Caesar."
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Suetonius,
Life |
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To the eulogizing chorus of most historians
who found Brutus a model of a man willing to die for his country's
liberty, some have inserted less hallowed impressions, particularly
in the 20th century. In his own time, Brutus received the highest
esteem of both his contemporaries and Roman writers to come, who
absolved him of Caesar's murder by the nobility of his aims in achieving
it. Cicero, Plutarch, Tacitus, and others sing his praises. Michelangelo
used him as the model of the patriot Republican for his own Renaissance
Florence, increasingly cross-eyed trying to prevent the Medici from
achieving one-man rule. Yet the respected H.H. Scullard can also
write
"If Brutus' rigidly
doctrinaire outlook and slight air of superiority did not endear
him to all his contemporaries, and if his notorious attempt to exact
interest at 48 per cent from the unfortunate Salaminians of Cyprus
does not easily square with his theoretical pursuit of virtue, at
least his single-minded devotion to an ideal and the earnestness
with which he followed it, afford some justification for the claim
that he was 'the noblest Roman of them all.'"
In the more traditional view, Syme wrote,
"To his contemporaries, Marcus Brutus, firm in spirit, upright and
loyal, in manner grave and aloof, seemed to embody that ideal of
character, admired by those who did not care to imitate. His was
not a simple personality - but passionate, intense, and repressed...
Above all, to Brutus as to Cato, who stood by the ancient ideals,
it seemed that Caesar, avid for splendor, glory and power, ready
to use his birth and station to subvert his own class, was an ominous
type, the monarchic aristocrat, recalling the kings of Rome and
fatal to any Republic" (p. 58)
While struggling to fund their armies in the
east after Caesar's murder, Brutus struck coins which, with simplicity,
show twin daggers flanking the cap of liberty and the title "Ides
of March." With the hand that killed Caesar, literally and figuratively,
Brutus also took his own life. Yet his immortality is forever bound
to - Caesar's.

Sources:
The bust of Brutus heading this
article is traditionally said to be his, but this cannot be confirmed.
The source of the first bust is unknown.
The 19th century bust of Brutus is by St. Gaudens (based on the
original). The final bust is by Michelangelo and is in the Bargello
Museum in Florence. The coin shown above was struck by Brutus
in the Civil War following Caesar's assassination to justify his
need to raise (and pay) an army in the east. This is the only known
contemporary image of Brutus.
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