|
"But that great divine
power or genius, which had watched over him [Caesar] and helped
him in his life, even after his death remained active as an avenger
of his murder, pursuing and tracking down the murderers over every
land and sea until not one of them was left and visiting with retribution
all, without exception, who were in any way concerned either with
the death itself or with the planning of it." Plutarch,
Life, 69.
By all accounts and perhaps most of all by Cicero's comments, Brutus and the conspirators had no strategy to restore the Republic after Caesar's murder. Brutus took clear charge of the tyrannicides
and the Republic faction which supported them from the moment Caesar
lay dead. His decision, against the urgings of Cassius, not to destroy Marc Antony with Caesar would later be seen as a fatal miscalculation. However, the lack of clear planning of how to deal with
the reverberations of the murder led immediately, as Caesar had
foreseen, to thirteen years of further civil war; first Marc Antony against the Senate, then Octavius (now, after his adoption by Caesar, known as Caesar) and Lepidus against the Senate, then the Triumvirs against Brutus and Cassius. Finally, after the deaths of the chief conspirators at the Battle of Phillipi in 42 BC, there would be a ten-year covert war between Octavius (soon to be Augustus) and Antony, leading to the destruction of Antony following the Battle of Actium in 31 BC. The great-nephew of Julius Caesar, known to all as the adopted son of a god, would end by ruling supreme.
In the meantime, from all remaining sources, it is clear that a great unease permeated the Roman world. The rise of Caesar to absolute power had been traumatic enough, but now men and women throughout the Empire worried about what would fill the gigantic power vacuum his passing had left. Coincidentally, in 44 BC, Mt. Aetna in Sicilly had erupted, and the ash and gas from its eruption literally darkened the skies for much of that fateful year. In an age when natural phenomena were taken to reveal great truths, men feared the bad omen of the sun itself going into hiding:
|
| |
"Who would dare to call the sun a liar? Often it even gives warning that hidden uprisings are threatening, and treachery and hidden wars are swelling up; it even showed pity for Rome at the destruction of Caesar, when it covered its shining head with a dark violet gloom, and a wicked age feared eternal night." |
|
| |
Virgil, Georgics, I, 463-68. Quoted in Osgood, Caesar's Legacy. |
|
|
|
Men were frightened, if many were exultant, and they sought to second-guess. It was Brutus' decision that Antony, co-Consul,
should not be killed. It was also Brutus' decision that Caesar's
more prominent and powerful supporters should not be silenced in
a mass coup d'etat. However noble, in terms of practical
politics these decisions were disastrous for the future peace of
Rome. More particularly, it was Brutus' decision to permit Antony
to eulogize Caesar at his funeral, a fatal step which would arouse the people against the murderers. Caesar had steadied the Roman state; now, renewed wars seemed to lie ahead.
OCTAVIAN AND ANTONY
Word of Caesar's murder had flashed to Gaius Octavius, who was in Apollonia awaiting
Caesar's arrival. Octavius also learned that he was Caesar's primary heir and adopted son.
The intrepid young Caesar hurried to Rome where he found controlled
chaos. The Senate, encouraged by Cicero,
had met on March 17th and Antony moved (with Cicero's support) not to proceed against the assasins, in return for making no attempt to change Caesar's laws. But the peace was only
a temporary break in what was now remorseless hostility between the pro- and anti-Caesarian factions. The Roman
people, who had idolized Caesar, were aghast but initially quiet
after his murder until Brutus, in a stroke of extreme bad judgment,
permitted Antony to speak at Caesar's funeral. By all accounts (including Cicero's), Antony drove the crowd to riot when he read Caesar's generous will, in which every Roman was left a legacy, and spoke of the many wounds Caesar suffered.
|
| |
" But when Caesar's will
was opened and it was discovered that he had left
a considerable legacy to each Roman citizen, and when
the people saw his body, all disfigured with its wounds,
being carried through the forum, they broke through
all bounds of discipline and order." |
|
| |
Plutarch, Life
, 68 |
|
|
|
Cicero agonized as time passed and no firm steps were taken by the "Liberators" (interestingly, his letters in the months prior to the assassination were repressed). He felt the only viable choice, following the murder, was for the Liberators to immediately convene the Senate, overthrow all Caesar's laws, and organize new elections. Instead, the Liberators lay low. Meanwhile, Antony moved instantly to seize what he could of Caesar's power, getting the Will and Caesar's documents from his widow, Calpurnia, immediately after the murder. As sole surviving Consul, Antony then used what he called Caesar's memoranda of planned future legislation to take charge in the Senate. In leaving Antony alive, Cicero mourned that "It
was a fine deed - but half done!" Cicero to Atticus,
114. The assassination was handled "...with
the courage of men and the policy of children. Anyone could see
that an heir to the throne was left behind. The folly of it!
Cicero. 116.
Coins struck by Brutus and Cassius in
the East to pay their armies.
Note the patriot's cap of liberty and the twin daggers.
Antony was now joined by Dolabella (planned to be the Co-Consul when Caesar left for Parthia). They impounded Republican funds and manouvered behind the scenes. Almost from the moment the mobs riotously cremated Caesar's body in the Forum on March 18, no one in power in Rome seemed to know how to handle the popular response to the murder, which was to worship Caesar as a god. The Consuls continually had to tear down spontaneous altars made to Caesar in the Forum. In April, young Octavius arrived in Rome and met with Marc Antony. He requested the legacies which his "father" had left him, which Antony claimed had been spent or were otherwise unavailable (Antony had likely taken them). The
air was electric with suspicion between Antony and Octavius, whom he viewed as a mere boy who owed everything to Caesar's favor. A supportive
Senate provided governorships for both Brutus and Cassius in the
turbulent months after the assassination, but then Antony began intriguing to remove or change them: the positions of the chief assasins in Rome had become untenable in view of mob hostility. Meanwhile, young Caesar (known now as Gaius Julius Caesar, but called Octavian by historians to prevent confusion) began quietly raising his own legions.
He turned 19 in September, and was - and would continue to be - under-estimated by almost all the powers that remained in Rome.
.
One of many examples of coins struck by Octavian honoring "Caesar's
star." A wreathed, triumphal Caesar is now a god, and Octavian "divi fillii" or "son of a god." The formal deification of Julius Caesar did not take place for some years. |
An extraordinary example of Caesar's luck was
passed to his heir in the summer of 44 BC. In early Julius, as Praetor Urbanis, Brutus was required to give games in Rome, but Brutus was afraid to be in the city and arranged for his games to be organized by others. They included the presentation of an intellectual Greek play about the murder of a tyrant. However, one of the later acts of the Senate in Caesar's lifetime was to schedule the Caesarian games for late July. Octavian, honoring his 'father,' arranged to give the games instead. The sources agree that - with extraordinary aptness -
a great comet appeared in the skies over Rome on the very day the
games began (it would have been just after Caesar's 56th birthday).
The comet ruled the skies until the games ended, at which time it
disappeared. No stage manager in world history had a better omen
to claim that the great Julius was now taken to the gods themselves,
his divinity manifest to all of Rome. By implication, his murderers, no longer "Liberators," were guilty of
destroying a god. Octavian immediately fastened, not only on Caesar's
star, but on his status as the [adopted] son of a god, "divi
filii," and used it to devestating political effect in the months and years to come.t in
the months and years to cmef his life.
|
It was obvious in the months following Brutus'
departure from Rome that the power of tyranny had merely passed
from Caesar to Antony. Both Brutus and Cassius immediately began
drawing upon the cities of Asia for money and subsumed the legions
stationed there for the Parthian war. It must have been clear that
either Antony, Octavian, or both would soon be coming after them.
By 43, Octavian had outmaneuvered Antony: he was declared an enemy
of the state by the Senate and took his legions into Cisalpine Gaul
to fight the Senate-backed forces, led by the Consuls and Octavian. Antony was defeated in two battles near Mutina. Both serving consuls were killed
in the battles. Octavian sought, but was too young to convince the
Senate to give him, the position of Consul. Taking a leaf from both
Caesar's and Sulla's books, Octavian marched on Rome. In a cynical
reconciliation, Antony, Lepidus and Octavian formed the Second Triumvirate.
The three immediately drew up proscription lists (which would include
Cicero, who had fought Antony valiantly in the end and would be murdered in December, 43). They also gathered
armies to meet Brutus and Cassius in the east and complete the vengeance
of Caesar.
Perhaps the most tremendous irony of all is that, following the institution of the Triumvirate, the proscriptions Pompey had threatened but Caesar had disavowed were carried on with brisk vengeance throughout Italy and the Empire. Both for revenge and for money to pay for the wars, Cicero was only the most prominent of hundreds, perhaps thousands, of Republicans who were separated from their fortunes and/or their lives. The brutality of the Second Triumvirate stands in the starkest contrast to Caesar's own policies. The survivors had learned that mercy did not pay.

|