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Ailing, despondent, and under evil auspices, Octavianus took in
hand the confiscation of Italian property and the settlement of
the veterans of Philippi, the remnants of twenty-eight legions.
Of the acts and policy of the dynasts, the share of Caesar's heir
was arduous, unpopular, and all but fatal to himself. No calculation
could have predicted that he would emerge in strength and triumph
from the varied hazards of this eventful years. Syme,
The Roman Revolution, 207.
I was triumvir for the settling of the
state for ten continuous years. I was first of the senate up to
that day on which I wrote this, for forty years. I was high priest,
augur, one of the Fifteen for the performance of rites, one of the
Seven of the sacred feasts, brother of Arvis, fellow of Titus, and
Fetial. Rest Gesti Divi Augisti,
7.
A thankless task confronted Octavian as he returned to Rome from
Philippi in late 42 BC. What glory there had been in the destruction
of the Liberators, had fallen to Antony, who had now departed to
raise money in the East and his fateful meeting with Cleopatra.
Ill for much of the Phillipi campaign, Octavian again fell ill upon
his arrival in Italy; so ill that rumors abounded that he was dead.
Of the varied tasks of the triumvirs, his in Italy would require
forceful confiscation of lands to supply the ever-greedy veterans.
In addition, Sextus Pompeius lurked in the Tyrhennian Sea, an unknown
but almost certainly hostile faction, and his pirate ships were
strangling Rome's grain supply.
The Perusine War
Octavian doggedly pursued the path of confiscating personal property
and awarding it to the veterans; there was no public land left in
Italy and he had little choice. In the midst of this necessary but
unpopular action, the consul Lucius Antonius (brother of Marcus)
made political capital out of Octavian's actions. It can never be
known how much Lucius acted in his brother's confidence - Antony
always denied he had any influence with his brother. But Octavian's
confiscations created a hostile political party and Lucius was at
its head. Senatorial opposition to the land confiscations hardened.
Lucius promoted a law to declare the Triumvirate illegal and to
make Octavian an enemy of the state. He claimed that, once Octavian
and Lepidus were removed from power, Antony would be willing to
return, legally, as Consul and return the state to its Republican
heritage. Many Senators - who had no illusions about Octavian's
unscrupulousness - joined in the effort, but on Octavian's side
was the army, benefiting from his confiscations of land and property.
The Antonine party (including Antony's wife, Fulvia, who was active
in its decisions) fought scattered actions before withdrawing to
the town of Perusia on the border of Etruria and Umbria; they barricaded
themselves behind strong fortifications and awaited a general rising
to overthrow Octavian. But none came.
Although, during the confiscation process, Octavian had nearly
come to grief controlling the turbulent and greedy legions, they
now stood by Caesar's heir. Lucius had clearly recognized that,
by awarding land to the soldiers (both his and Antony's), Octavian
would receive all their loyalty. Octavian was outmanned initially
and had to borrow heavily from the Roman temple treasuries to pay
his soldiers - a loan he would pay back, with interest. In this
war, the faithful Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa first made his mark as
a general of note. Octavian, Agrippa and Salvidienus, another Octavian
ally, drew three armies up to besiege Perusia, where Lucius waited
anxiously for reinforcements. Siege-works reminiscent of the great
engineering of Caesar went up surrounding Perusia, and its inhabitants
soon began to starve. Attempts to break out were unsuccessful and
Lucius' forces began deserting to Octavian, who received them pleasantly.
Finally, Lucius gathered his remaining troops and made a speech
which eerily echoes what may, or may not, have been his motivation
in creating this brushfire civil war:
"It was my intention, fellow-soldiers,
to restore the ancestral constitution for you. I saw that the triumvirate
was despotism and that it was not dissolved even after the deaths
of Brutus and Cassius, its ostensible object. Now that Lepidus has
been stripped of his share of power and Antonius is raising money
in far distant lands, this one man is arranging everything according
to his own ideas while our ancestral constitution is a mere sham
and a mockery." Appian, The
Civil War, V, 39.
Lucius then offered himself as a scapegoat for his soldiers and
sought to surrender to Octavian. Octavian prudently replied that
he would pardon all Antony's soldiers and in fact, most of the armies
were left unmolested. Instead, Octavian took his revenge upon the
city of Perusia itself. Its citizens were pardoned by the town burnt
to the ground, whereas the entire city council was promptly executed.
He also managed to execute several personal enemies, with very little
publicity. Many of the pardoned Republicans immediately fled to
Sextus Pompeius and, in roundabout fashion, sought Antony to join
Sextus Pompeius against Octavian. Antony demurred but strengthened
ties with Pompeius. Octavian - not to be outdone in the shifting
loyalties between Caesarians and Republicans - sought a similar
tie. He married Scribonia, daughter of Pompeius' father-in-law,
Lucius Libo. After the wedding in 40, the political marriage lasted
hardly a year but would result in Octavian's only child, his daughter
Julia.
Antony returned with his troops to Italia and another brief confrontation
between Octavian and Antony's forces took place at Brundisium in
the autumn of 40. Another 'arrangement' was reached that would have
far-reaching consequences for Octavian's future. The provinces awarded
to the two men (Lepidus was now largely powerless) split the Roman
world, with Octavian receiving all provinces in the West, Antony
those in the East, and Lepidus fobbed off with northern Africa.
To cement the treaty, Antony (whose affair with Cleopatra had been
notorious) agreed to marry Octavian's sister, Octavia. For a time,
the fragile peace was patched up.

Coin issued by Sextus Pompeius
If Italian conflict was over, inevitable war with Pompeius was
merely deferred. Pompeius, who had taken to calling himself the
"son of Neptune" due to his Sicilian fleets, was now in
charge of Rome's grain supply. In the summer of 39, Octavian and
Antony signed the Treaty of Misenum with Pompeius, in which the
Republican pirate was promised a legitimate share in the evolving
Triumvirate. He was to be Consul in 35 BC, he was granted a territorial
base of Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica and (later) the Peloponnese. Accordingly,
he agreed to stop the blockade of the grain supply and cease attacking
Rome's ships. This accommodation with the last Republican leader
had unintended consequences.
After the Treaty of Misenum, many Republican refugees finally felt
safe enough to return to their family homes in Rome. One of these
was a Republican patrician, Tiberius Drusus Nero, married for several
years to his teenage wife, Livia
Drusilla, who had born him one son, Tiberius, and was now pregnant
with his second, Drusus. Livia was probably 20 years old when she
met Octavian in Rome. Livia had sterling patrician credentials;
she was a Claudian, one of the oldest patrician families, as well
as granddaughter of the famous Drusus who was killed in 91 BC for
trying to integrate the Italian city-states into the Empire. Thus,
through her family, she was strongly connected with the best Optimate
families in Rome. She was also beautiful.
Livia Drusilla
On January 17, 38 BC - only months after they
had met - Octavian married Livia. Because she was pregnant with
another man's child, he had first to obtain special permission from
the college of priests for the marriage to occur. Tiberius apparently
was more than willing to trade his wife to Octavian for future benefits,
and Octavian had promptly divorced his own wife, Scribonia - allegedly
on the very day she presented him with his daughter, Julia. Livia
brought excellent political and social connections with her, but
Octavian's unusual haste and determination seems to have been sparked
by one of the few human weaknesses he ever displayed. If he was
passionately in love with his beautiful wife, he was still able
to judge her political value. The marriage caused a scandal at the
time, not least because Octavian was marrying into a family much
higher on the social scale than his own.
Three months after the wedding, Livia bore a son,
Drusus; both he and the four-year-old Tiberius lived with their
father, under the standard divorce decree. After Tiberius died,
however, both boys would return to the household of their mother
and Octavian and were raised largely as his own children.
The marriage would endure until Octavian's death
53 years later.
The Son of Neptune
Octavian lost no time in repudiating the Treaty
of Misenum and going after Sextus Pompeius. It would turn out to
be years-long and heartbreaking struggle that only Octavian's indomitable
determination could win. Pompeius, promised the Peloponnese, had
not received it and used this as an excuse to fall back to his piratical
ways, blockading Rome's food supply of Sicilian grain.
Octavian had long planned an invasion of Sicily,
and the fact that Pompeius 'broke' the treaty gave him the proper
excuse. His first efforts at sea warfare were disastrous. An initial
attack, using as admirals C. Calvisius and L. Cornificius, was soundly
defeated off Cumae by Pompeius, who had become perhaps the greatest
fighting admiral in Rome's history. Those warships not destroyed
in the battle were lost in a violent storm the next day. His fleet
in pieces, Octavian had seek help from Antonius. Antonius sent off
helpfully from Athens to meet Octavian at Brundisium, but Octavian
was delayed - when Antony sailed off again, he gave Octavian a weapon
for later complaints. With the pleas of Octavia in his ears (and
the persuasion of Maecenas, Octavian's right-hand diplomat), Antony
agreed again to meet Octavian at Tarentum. There, it was agreed
in the summer of 37 BC. that Antony would give Octavian a fleet
of 120 ships and their crews, in return for Octavian's providing
Antony's armies with an additional 20,000 legionaries for his planned
invasion of Parthia. The Triumvirate, which had more than run its
initial five years, was extended. No effort was made to use Roman
law as a cover for this blatantly illegal - and dictatorial - extension.
Apparently neither Antony nor Octavian were worried about the reactions
of the Senate and People of Rome, although Octavian - typically
- covered himself by formally confirming the decision in law, when
he had the time.
For the second effort, Octavian had the aid of
his loyal Agrippa, who had now returned from service in Gaul. Although
a good general on land, Agrippa became a remarkably taut admiral
in the next few months. He took charge of the task of building yet
another fleet, a task made far more difficult by the chaos of the
economy and Pompeius' stranglehold on Rome's grain supply. As the
Caesarian sailors had been soundly trounced by the experienced Pompeius,
Agrippa came up with the remarkable idea of building an artificial
harbor called Portus Julius, having engineers join
the Lucrine lake to lake Avernus and cutting through the thin land
strip separating them. After dredging, he had an ideal naval locale
for training and war games. The pool of pro-Caesarian manpower had
been so drained that over 20,000 slaves were freed just for the
purpose of rowing the newly-built fleet of galleys.
In addition, Agrippa came up with a new technological
weapon that would prove critically useful to Octavian's amateur
fleet. He is said to have invented a harpax, a sort of catapult-thrown
harpoon that would land on the bridge of an enemy vessel and, using
ropes, winch his vessels close enough to board and destroy.
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" ".When the first of the
month arrives [July, 37 BC] they all put to sea at
first light - Lepidus from Africa with 1,000 transport
ships, seventy warships, twelve legions, 5,000 Numidian
cavalry, and a great deal else; Taurus from Tarentum
with only 102 of Antony's 130 ships, because the rowers
of the rest had died during the winter; and Octavian
from Puteoli, sacrificing and pouring libations into
the sea from his flagship to Gentle Winds and Saviour
Neptune and Calm Sea, to win their support against
his father's enemies.
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Appian, The Civil
War, Book V, 98. |
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Making haste slowly, Octavian had allowed many months to properly
rebuild his navy: it is supposed that the rest of 37, and half of
36 BC, went to training. When he again sailed for Sicily in July,
36 BC, it was to use both Agrippa's new navy and Lepidus' armies.
Lepidus was to bring his African legions north to Sicily; Statilius
Taurus would come from Tarentum, and Octavian and his fleet from
Puteoli. It was agreed to attack on the kalends of Julius, in honor
of dead Caesar. However, just as Caesar had neared disaster in Britain
when his fleets were destroyed by storms, so, again, a horrific
storm on July 3 battered Octavian's new fleet; Octavian had again
to withdraw and lick his wounds, patching up the fleet and touring
Italy desperately seeking more men and money.
By August, Octavian was able to land three legions
to the island while Agrippa held off Pompeius' ships at Mylae; but
the sea battle was indecisive and Pompeius, returning to Sicily,
was able to pounce on the few legions Octavian had managed to land
there, before the rest of his forces could be brought over. Once
again Octavian left his soldiers to fight at sea; once again, Octavian's
ships were destroyed and Octavian, himself, was nearly killed, only
reaching the shore with one surviving companion, half-drowned, his
army besieged, his fleet in tatters.

Mosaic of Roman galley
If there is a single nadir to Octavian's early career, the debacle
in Sicily was likely that point. Three times Octavian had tried
to dislodge Pompey; three times his fleets were destroyed, his men
killed, and his forces without funds to rebuild. Literally picked
out of the water by the legions of M. Valerius Messalla Corvinus,
Octavian soon received good news. Agrippa and L. Cornificius' fleets
had won a victory against Pompeius, taking Tyndaris, one of his
important bases. Once again the Caesarians flung themselves at Pompeius
fleet, and this time, risking everything on one battle, Pompeius
lost so decisively that he could only flee (eventually, to the Parthians,
after which Antonius arranged his murder). The Battle of Naulochus
in September 36, breathed new life into Octavian's ambitions.
With his main enemy down, now the ineffectual
Lepidus - who commanded troops near Messana - suddenly fell to mutiny.
He accepted the surrender of Messana on his own terms without reference
to Octavian. Apparently, the least of the Triumvirs was tired of
taking orders from Octavian; with 20 legions behind him, Lepidus
dictated terms to Octavian when he finally landed on Sicily. Lepidus
was to be left with his legions in control of the island, while
Octavian was banished to Italy. Apparently Lepidus' soldiers, when
informed of their new enemy, deserted to Octavian en masse
and Lepidus was left alone to face Octavian. In the event, Octavian
was surprisingly merciful, perhaps because he realized that, by
his ineffectual rebellion, Lepidus had lost all credibility with
the legions. Lepidus was removed from the Triumvirate and all political
offices and banished to one of his homes in Italy. He would live
out the next 25 years under essential house arrest, although his
position as Pontifex Maximus was not taken from him; when he died,
the then-Augustus quietly assumed it.
Octavian showed his harshness to his own troops
when, Lepidus removed, they agitated for booty and payment. After
making promises of future largesse, Octavian quietly but mercilessly
purged the army of malcontents and returned all those ex-slaves
who had fought so loyally for him to their former owners. Any sailors
whose former owners could not be located, were summarily executed.
Returning to Italy in triumph (with grain now
once again flowing to the capital), the Senate voted Octavian numerous
honors, including the grant that his person should hereafter be
as "sancrosanct" as a Tribune; his person was inviolate
and no political harm could come to him. Scholars debate at just
what point in this decade or the next, Octavian received the important
powers of Roman tribunes; Cassius Dio suggests that it was a gradual
process, and Augustus himself dated his assumption of tribunician
powers in 23 BC. However, the honors awarded showed strong senatorial
support. As Ronald Syme cynically notes,
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" ".The Senate and people.also
decreed that a golden statue should be set up in the
Forum with an inscription to announce that, after
prolonged disturbances, order had been restored by
land and sea. The formulation, though not extravagant,
was perhaps a little premature. But it contained a
programme. Octavianus remitted debts and taxes; and
he gave public expression to the hope that the Free
State would soon be re-established. It only remained
for his triumviral partner to perform his share and
subdue the Parthians, when there would be no excuse
for delay to restore constitutional government. Few
senators can have believed in the sincerity of such
professions. That did not matter. Octavianus was already
exploring the propaganda and the sentiments that might
serve him later against Antonius, winning for personal
domination the name and pretext of liberty.".
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Syme, The Roman
Revolution, 233-234. |
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For eight turbulent years, Octavianus had survived
the worst that could be thrown at him. He was finally coming to
appear to Romans who had hated the violations of the Triumvirate,
as the strong man who could guarantee peace and prosperity. Antony
- now for many years, invisible in the East - was another quantity.
Having removed Pompeius from his path, Octavian would now turn his
implacable attention to Marc Antony.
The Triumvir:
Part 2
 
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