PRINCEPS:

The Life of Caesar Augustus
 
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PRINCEPS: 29-23 BC
 

When I was consul the fifth time, I increased the number of patricians by order of the people and senate. I read the roll of the senate three times, and in my sixth consulate (28 B.C.E.) I made a census of the people with Marcus Agrippa as my colleague. I conducted a lustrum, after a forty-one year gap, in which lustrum were counted 4,063,000 heads of Roman citizens. Then again, with consular imperium I conducted a lustrum alone when Gaius Censorinus and Gaius Asinius were consuls (8 B.C.E.), in which lustrum were counted 4,233,000 heads of Roman citizens. And the third time, with consular imperium, I conducted a lustrum with my son Tiberius Caesar as colleague, when Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Appuleius were consuls (14 A.C.E.), in which lustrum were counted 4,937,000 of the heads of Roman citizens. By new laws passed with my sponsorship, I restored many traditions of the ancestors, which were falling into disuse in our age, and myself I handed on precedents of many things to be imitated in later generations. Res Gesti Divi Augusti, 8.

His rule was personal - and based ultimately upon a personal oath of allegiance rendered by Rome, Italy and the West in 32 B.C., subsequently by the other regions of the Empire. Caesar Augustus possessed indefinite and tremendous resources, open or secret - all that the principes in the last generation held, but now stolen from them and enhanced to an exorbitant degree; and he was Divi filius, destined for consecration in his turn. The plebs of Rome was Caesar's inherited clientela. He fed them with doles, amused them with games and claimed to be their protector against oppression. Free elections returned - that is to say, a grateful people would unfailingly elect the candidates whom Caesar in his wisdom had chosen...He controlled all the armies of the Roman people, in fact Though not in law, and provided from his own pocket the bounty for the legionaries when they retired from service. Syme, The Roman Revolution, 322.

For months after the deaths of Cleopatra and Antony, Octavian busied himself in Egypt, administering Rome's newest and, by far, most wealthiest province after the death of her last Ptolemaean ruler. He then returned slowly to Rome, traveling through Athens and other provinces, only to find himself facing for the first time a whole new type of political challenge.

After the destruction of Antony, Octavian ruled supreme. Yet in the fifteen years since Caesar died, the majority of his political actions were taken simply to survive, to hold on to supreme power. He had been promising the restoration of constitutional government for nearly two decades, but there were always enemies to be dealt with first - Caesar's assassins, Sextus Pompeius, Cleopatra, Antony. For perhaps the first time, Octavian had the opportunity to implement his government so that those Romans who had survived 20 years of Civil War, would accept his leadership and not grant him Caesar's own fate.

It is greatly symbolic that one of Octavian's first actions upon his return was to dedicate the beautiful temple which he had begun years before, to the divine Julius Caesar. Built on the site in the Forum upon which Caesar's body was allegedly cremated, the Temple of Divine Julius most neatly created a bookend to Octavian's political career: he had begun it demanding vengeance against Caesar's murderers, and now they were all dead - including Antony, by no means a murderer - and Octavian had the opportunity to implement a whole new system of government while attempting to avoid his great-uncle's fate.

Octavian took other wise steps both to reconcile his Roman power base and to show what care he took for the State:

...Octavian spoke in praise of his subordinates, and conferred honours upon them as was his custom. To Agrippa, among other distinctions, he also presented a dark blue flag to commemorate his naval victory, and to the soldiers he gave other gifts. The populace was granted four hundred sesterces each, first to the men of adult age, and later to the children...Octavian refused to accept from the Italian cities the gold required to make the triumphal crowns they had voted for him, and meanwhile not only paid all the debts which he himself owed...but did not press others to pay their debts to him. Because of these concessions, the Romans forgot all the hardships they had suffered and accepted his triumph with pleasure, as though the enemies he had conquered had all been foreigners. . . On the occasion of the consecration of the shrine to Julius Caesar, contests of many kinds took place; the boys of noble ancestry rode in the equestrian formation which is known as "Troy"...huge numbers of wild beats and tame animals were killed and among them were a rhinoceros and a hippopotamus, which were then seen in Rome for the first time... Cassius Dio, 21.

 Temple of Divine Julius


A reconstruction of a Roman Triumph, greatest honor the Romans bestowed upon their successful generals. The actual triumph would stretch for miles as it traveled, with the general in front and his thousands of troops behind, to the Temper of Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitoline Hill. The booty brought back to Rome during the wars would be prominently displayed on handcarts and floats. The spoils of Egypt displayed in Octavian's triumph were spectacular even by the standards of the age and included - since Cleopatra had killed herself rather than participate in it - an effigy of the Queen, lying on a couch, and all her children around her.

Then it was time for his Triumph, after so many years of warfare, largely against other Romans. Few probably realized, as they helped celebrate this ancient traditional honor reserved only for the greatest Roman generals, that, under Augustus, it would become impossible for any Roman not of the Imperial family to celebrate a Triumph, for soon all Rome's triumphs would inure to the personal honor of its autocratic leaders. But those days were yet to come.

In the meantime, Octavian pondered the form of government now required. Most scholars agree that the plan for the Roman revolution (as Syme calls it) did not spring from his forehead, like Athena, ready-armed; instead it was a careful and sometimes instinctive aggregation of both powers and personal authority over the next decade, which would leave Octavian in firm control of the Empire while yet seeming to be simply the Princeps - the "first among equals" of his peers.

A remarkable 'debate' in Cassius Dio is illustrative, not of what Octavian actually did, but what later generations of Romans believed he had done, in these critical years. Writing 250 years after the fact, Dio created a discussion about the means of government in his Augustan history, in which Octavian's childhood friends, Agrippa and Maecenas, each took opposing views of what kind of government was possible in this post-Actium world.

CAESAR AUGUSTUS

It must be always remembered that Octavian had Been acting, at best, semi-legally for two decades, a fact likely to be noticed in a time of peace. At the same time, it was unthinkable to go back to the last years of the Republic, in which one warlord or another had cost the lives of thousands in their quests for supreme power. So, Caesar is allegedly considering laying down his powers, now that the threat to Rome is over and discussed it with his closest associates, Agrippa and Maecenas. Agrippa spoke nobly for the restoration of the Republic. Maecenas spoke of the disasters that would befall Rome if Octavian should try to follow this dangerous course:

 

" ...this freedom, if it is exercised by men of sound judgment, becomes a source of great benefit for all, but if exercised by the misguided, leads to disaster. Accordingly, the man who grants such a license to the latter is in effect putting a sword into the hands of a child or a madman; if he offers it to the wise, he is not only preserving their other privileges, but saving the incapable even in spite of themselves...you should look ahead to the consequences which arise from these, put an end to the unruly behavior of the populace, and take the direction of affairs into your own hands and into those of the other citizens among us who are best qualified...[you must] take counsel with the best men in Rome and pass all the appropriate laws without opposition or protest on the part of the masses; that any wars should be conducted according to the plans which you have drawn up; that the rest of the citizens should obey these orders forthwith; that the choice of officials should be made by you and your advisers; and that you and they should also determine honours and punishments."

  Cassius Dio, Roman History, Book 52, Chapter 14.

So well had Augustus laid the foundation for justifying assumption of total power, than later citizens of the Empire could see only the dangers, and none of the benefits, of a democratic state. But still, Octavian proceeded cautiously.

THE SETTLEMENT OF 27 BC

The first great leap forward was taken in a speech given by Octavian to the Senate on the Ides of January, 27 BC, when he was Consul for the seventh time, in which he 'gave back' all of his supra-normal powers to the Senate and people of Rome and, thus, restored the Republic. Notably, as he remained Consul, he retained priority powers in terms of governing the Senate. No authentic version of Octavian's speech survives, but his calculations were razor-edged. In effect, he offered to give up his powers (res publica restituta), complaining of exhaustion after decades of service to Rome, and the Senate then obligingly pleaded with him to resume all such powers for their own good. A compromise was then reached, in which Caesar agreed to take over governorship of the provinces of Gaul, Spain, Syria, Cilicia, Cyprus and Egypt as his own personal property for ten years, governed using regular legates chosen by himself. By doing this, Augustus ousted the powerful proconsular senators who had governed this vital provinces, thus reducing their ability to develop their own political power base The Senate would still govern other provinces according to tradition. A three-day break followed these proposals and the Senate reconvened with their agreement and the notable proposal that, symbolizing this new start in Roman history. Octavian a/k/a Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus, required a new name. The unique name proposed was "Augustus" . . . a quasi-religious nomination acknowledging Octavian's supremacy in, and vital importance to, Rome's future survival.

As a public relations gesture, this was superb theatre, although almost everyone must have been aware it had all been proposed, debated, and agreed to beforehand, including the title (Augustus is said to have considered "Romulus" for his new designation, but decided against it). But this "Settlement" laid the groundwork for the image of an Augustus whose sole concern is the health of Rome and its empire, a theme he would return to later.

Much is unknown about the details of this settlement, including just what type of imperium or Senate-given authority Augustus assumed. The trickiest question is whether, obliquely, Augustus assumed what the Romans knew as imperium maius, a power that would permit him to control events in those provinces not under his direct control, or whether he merely held imperium proconsulare, the same kind of power any other proconsular governor retained. Whatever the technicalities (and there is not enough information to confirm one way or the other), at a stroke Augustus had appeared to want to step down from his position and took it back from the hands of a grateful Senate which could not dispense with him. The settlement, and his proconsular strength, made him in effect, if not overtly, what he had been for some time - the ruler of the Roman Empire, all while preserving the niceties of a modest "first among equals" position.


Map of Rome's Empire at the time of the Settlements

Augustus proceeded in 27 BC to prove his care for Rome by embarking on a building program, at his own expense, to improve Rome's infrastructure; he rebuilt the Via Flaminia, repaired its bridges, and left multiple building projects back in Rome under the direction of the faithful Agrippa (who had, himself, begun a thorough overhaul of Rome's aging sewer and water system). Augustus was obviously busy, as well, with every detail of Roman government, improving and purifying the coinage, building Temples to the Gods (his Temple to Apollo on the Palatine was dedicated in 28). He then took his attractive future son-in-law, Marcellus, with him to go on campaigns in Gaul and Spain to ensure peace in those turbulent regions. The ill-health that had haunted his career once again returned to him; he was incapable of command at Tarraco and had to conduct the war through subordinates. Meanwhile, he made arrangements for his teenage daughter, Julia, to marry Marcellus in the first of many covert moves towards providing an heir in the event of his own death.

When Augustus returned to Rome at the end of 25, he held no triumph but agreed to award the same bountiful largesse to all Roman citizens, thus receiving awards for modesty while ensuring popular support. Julia and Marcellus were married and Tiberius, Livia's son by her first marriage, was now also of the age to be given some responsibility, becoming quaestor in 23 (five years before the legal age limit). Although Augustus' health was uncertain, his hold on power had only increased in the four years since the Settlement. Then, he collapsed and it seemed he would certainly die.


Capitoleum.org's reconstruction of the Temple of Mars Ultor, vowed
by Augustus after victory at the Battle of Phillipi

THE SETTLEMENT OF 23 BC

Augustus' illness was serious enough that he gave his signet ring - with which all documents were signed - to Agrippa and made arrangements for his co-consul, Piso, to receive top-secret summaries of all critical administration. Rumors later abounded that he had given the succession to Agrippa, although Augustus denied it. His recovery took some time, and in July, 23, Augustus went to the Senate and gave up the Consulship, source of much of his legitimate power.

This extraordinary step is also subject of much controversy; some scholars declare Augustus took the step because of mounting pressure when it seemed that he intended not only to go on being reelected as Consul indefinitely, but planned a royal 'succession' for his own family after his death. Others suggest Augustus struck proactively, before the Senate could become concerned about either issue. Yet others claim a scandal led to a would-be rebellion that was quickly hushed up. Perhaps, simply, his recent health crises and the ambiguity of who, if anyone, would succeed him if he died, was enough to upset the Senate and the people, who had no desire to return to the chaos of the triumvirate with whatever strong man was left standing.

In any event, it had become politically dangerous to continue his control through a series of consulships, hence his resignation. For centuries, to serve as consul of Rome was the summit of a Roman senator's career and enabled his family to move into the nobility. Perhaps, in the years of calm, resentments were resurfacing that Augustus was hogging this position to himself. Perhaps others had taken note, after a scandal in in 27 BC, that the son of the great Crassus had been denied the full triumph for his generalship, an honor now quietly kept by Augustus within his own family.

Whether in reaction or proaction, like the settlement of 27, it is almost certain that Augustus planned his steps carefully in conjunction with Senate contacts and his own supporters. He had no intention of giving up the power that went with the consulship, even if he needed to appear to open that position for others. In return for his sacrificial gesture, the Senate proposed that, as an individual, he be given proconsular powers for a period of five years, and was permitted to retain his imperium even within the city of Rome itself (a long-standing tradition thus ended). To the people, it appeared that Augustus received only the same imperium that Senatorial governors retained and that any concerns for his domination of extraordinary powers was now over. In reality, Augustus' authority and power were such that his influence and authority far extended his proconsular powers. Again, the fiction of his being only another leading Roman was maintained.

However, the great addition to Augustus' position came with a second grant from the Senate, of the tribunicia potestas. The Tribunes of Rome going back centuries held certain extraordinary powers, but the powers had never before been divorced from holding the office. The single most important feature of Tribunician power was the ability to stop any law in the people's Assembly or the Senate, merely by interposing a veto. It was also Augustus' guarantee to the Roman people that he would maintain their rights and powers against the Senators, acting as the people's watchdog on all laws affecting their welfare.

The political brilliance of this move, however it came about, meant that Augustus continued to successfully balance on the razor-thin line between popular perception and real power while continuing his aggrandizement. Between the awards granted him and the powers of the Tribunes; his proconsular authority in all provinces; his growing auctoritas (a difficult word, but mainly his political clout as perceived by Rome's leaders); all gave him in effect supreme power, while at the same time giving him plausible deniability that he aimed for any such thing.

The settlements of 27 and 23 show many things about Augustus; that he well understood Rome's hatred of change, its insecurity after the decades of Civil War, the growing disinclination of its people to participate in the hard work of governing an Empire, the frustrated ambitions of its nobles, and his understanding of how to manipulate those he himself had raised to leading positions in the Senate. He knew, none better, how to stage-manage revolution so subtly that it was almost invisible to the people at large. In effect, although the ride would be bumpy in the future on one or two occasions, he now held the reins of Rome's future as the first Roman Emperor. To the end of his life, he never let them go.

SOURCES: Map of the Empire by Tony Belmonte. Illustrations and information concerning the Augustan Forum courtesy of James Grout, Encyclopaedia Romana. For more images of the Augustan Forum, see the Forum of Augustus.

 
 
 
  Suzanne Cross © 2004-2008. All Rights Reserved.
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